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Peer-reviewed legal scholarship | ISSN 3141-5717

Original Article

Beyond Welfare Rhetoric: A Doctrinal Appraisal of Child Custody After Dissolution of Marriage in Nigeria - The Obio-Akpor Experience

Priscilla Nkechinyere EBERECHI

DOI: 10.67588/0001

Published under CC BY 4.0
22 min read 4,724 words Jul 3, 2026
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Abstract

The dissolution of marriage generates complex legal, social, and emotional consequences, particularly for children who often emerge as the most vulnerable parties in custody disputes. This article critically examines the legal framework governing child custody after dissolution of marriage in Nigeria, with particular focus on Obio-Akpor Local Government Area of Rivers State. Adopting a doctrinal legal research methodology supported by contextual case-study analysis, the study interrogates statutory provisions, judicial authorities, and institutional practices relating to custody determination and enforcement. It further undertakes a comparative analysis of the legal frameworks of the United Kingdom and South Africa to identify best practices relevant to reforming Nigerian custody law. The study finds that although Nigerian custody law is normatively anchored on the welfare principle and the best interest of the child doctrine, substantial implementation challenges persist. These include excessive judicial discretion, absence of structured welfare assessment criteria, weak enforcement mechanisms, socio-cultural interference, and inadequate institutional support. The realities in Obio-Akpor demonstrate how urbanisation, economic instability, customary expectations, and gendered social norms frequently complicate custody outcomes. The article argues that the current legal framework, while doctrinally progressive, remains institutionally inadequate in practice. It recommends the adoption of a statutory welfare checklist, establishment of specialised family courts, strengthened social welfare institutions, mandatory mediation mechanisms, and enhanced enforcement systems. The article concludes that the effectiveness of custody law should be assessed not merely by statutory compliance but by its practical capacity to safeguard the dignity, welfare, stability, and developmental future of the child.

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Article

1.0 Introduction

The dissolution of marriage remains one of the most disruptive legal and social events affecting family life. Beyond terminating the marital relationship between spouses, divorce or separation frequently produces profound consequences for children, particularly regarding care arrangements, emotional stability, welfare, and developmental security.[1] Children often become the unintended victims of parental conflict, caught between competing claims, fractured emotional bonds, and unstable living arrangements.

Historically, custody was largely viewed through the prism of parental rights, especially paternal authority rooted in common law and customary traditions. Modern family law, however, has progressively shifted toward a child-centred jurisprudence anchored on welfare and best-interest considerations.[2] Under this contemporary framework, custody is no longer treated as a reward for parental superiority or as a sanction for marital misconduct; rather, it is conceived as a legal mechanism for securing the holistic wellbeing of the child.

In Nigeria, the legal framework governing child custody is principally derived from the Matrimonial Causes Act and the Child Rights Act, both of which establish that the welfare and best interests of the child shall be the paramount consideration in custody determination.[3] Nigerian courts have consistently reaffirmed this principle, emphasising that custody decisions must prioritise the child’s physical, emotional, educational, moral, and psychological wellbeing above competing parental interests.[4]

Notwithstanding these statutory and judicial safeguards, significant gaps remain between legal principle and practical enforcement. While Nigerian law formally recognises child welfare as paramount, custody adjudication often suffers from broad judicial discretion, inconsistent decision-making, weak enforcement structures, socio-cultural pressures, and institutional inadequacies.[5] In practice, these deficiencies frequently undermine effective protection for children following marital dissolution.

These challenges are particularly evident in Obio-Akpor Local Government Area, a rapidly urbanising jurisdiction characterised by socio-economic diversity, strong extended-family structures, and persistent interaction between customary norms and statutory law. In such a setting, custody disputes are rarely resolved solely by formal legal rules; rather, they are influenced by economic realities, cultural expectations, gender roles, and informal family power structures.

A major weakness of Nigerian custody jurisprudence lies in its heavy reliance on abstract welfare rhetoric without corresponding structured implementation mechanisms. Unlike the United Kingdom, which employs a statutory welfare checklist under the Children Act 1989, or South Africa, which integrates institutional actors such as Family Advocates into custody adjudication, Nigeria largely leaves welfare determination to judicial discretion.[6] This creates uncertainty, inconsistency, and enforcement challenges.

This article critically examines the legal and institutional framework governing child custody after dissolution of marriage in Nigeria through the lens of Obio-Akpor. It evaluates the extent to which existing laws effectively protect children, identifies doctrinal and practical deficiencies, and proposes reforms aimed at achieving a more coherent, predictable, and child-centred custody regime.

2.0 Conceptual Framework

A conceptual clarification of the core terms used in this study is essential for analytical precision. The concepts of child, custody, and dissolution of marriage form the doctrinal foundation upon which custody adjudication is built. Their legal meanings determine the scope of judicial intervention, parental rights and obligations, and the protective mechanisms available to children following marital breakdown.

2.1 Meaning of a Child

The legal meaning of a child is central to custody adjudication because it determines the scope of judicial protection, parental responsibility, maintenance obligations, and welfare intervention. In custody law, a child is not merely understood in the biological sense as a young human being; rather, the term refers to a legally recognised person who, due to age and developmental vulnerability, requires special protection and care under the law.[7]

Under international law, one of the most authoritative definitions is provided by Article 1 of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child 1989, which defines a child as every human being below the age of eighteen years unless majority is attained earlier under the applicable domestic law.[8] This definition has achieved widespread acceptance and has significantly influenced domestic child protection regimes, including Nigeria’s legal framework.

The Convention adopts a protective rights-based approach, recognising that children, by reason of physical and mental immaturity, require special safeguards and legal protection before as well as after birth.[9] This reflects the modern understanding that children are not passive subjects of parental authority but autonomous rights-bearers entitled to legal protection.

In Nigeria, the Child Rights Act 2003 adopts this international standard by defining a child as a person under the age of eighteen years.[10] This definition is particularly relevant in custody disputes because it determines the period during which courts may regulate care, residence, welfare, and parental responsibility.

2.2 Meaning of Child Custody

Child custody refers to the legal authority, responsibility, and practical arrangement concerning the care, control, upbringing, and welfare of a child following marital dissolution or parental separation. It generally encompasses both physical custody, which concerns where and with whom the child resides, and legal custody, which concerns authority over major decisions affecting the child’s education, healthcare, religion, and overall development.[11]

Under Nigerian law, custody is not treated as proprietary entitlement or parental ownership. Rather, it constitutes a legal responsibility regulated by the court in the best interests of the child. Judicial authorities have consistently affirmed this position. In Williams v Williams,[12] the Supreme Court held that the welfare of the child supersedes competing parental claims. Similarly, in Odusote v Odusote,[13] the Court of Appeal expanded the meaning of welfare to include education, emotional security, moral development, and overall wellbeing.

The Child Rights Act further reinforces this principle by mandating that the best interest of the child shall be the primary consideration in every matter concerning the child.[14] Consequently, custody in Nigeria should be understood not as a contest of parental superiority but as a judicially supervised mechanism for protecting the child’s welfare.

A major doctrinal concern, however, is that Nigerian legislation provides no detailed statutory criteria for assessing welfare. This omission leaves courts with broad discretion, thereby increasing the risk of inconsistent decisions. While judicial flexibility may allow adaptation to unique family circumstances, excessive discretion without structured evaluative guidelines undermines predictability and legal certainty.[15]

2.3 Meaning of Dissolution of Marriage

Dissolution of marriage refers to the formal legal termination of a valid marital relationship through judicial or legally recognised processes. In the Nigerian statutory context, dissolution may occur through divorce, annulment, or judicial separation under the Matrimonial Causes Act 2004.[16]

The dissolution of marriage extinguishes certain marital rights and obligations between spouses while preserving or creating obligations concerning children, including custody, maintenance, guardianship, and welfare responsibilities.[17] Thus, while marriage may end, parenthood does not terminate.

Custody becomes particularly significant upon marital dissolution because the breakdown of the family unit often creates disputes concerning residence, access, maintenance, and decision-making authority over children. The law therefore intervenes to minimise disruption and ensure that children remain protected despite parental separation.

Importantly, dissolution of marriage should not be viewed merely as the termination of spousal obligations. It also triggers complex legal questions concerning caregiving responsibility, emotional continuity, family power structures, and child development. This broader understanding is essential for meaningful custody adjudication.

3.0 Theoretical Framework

The legal regulation of child custody in Nigeria may be properly understood through three interconnected theoretical lenses: the Welfare Principle, Legal Positivism, and the Best Interest of the Child (BIC) Theory. These theories provide the conceptual foundation for evaluating how courts determine custody and how effectively the law protects children following marital dissolution.

3.1 Welfare Principle

The welfare principle constitutes the foundational normative basis of custody adjudication in Nigeria. It requires courts to prioritise arrangements that best promote the child’s physical, emotional, educational, moral, and psychological wellbeing.[18] The principle reflects a movement away from traditional parental-rights jurisprudence toward child-centred adjudication.

The welfare principle aligns closely with utilitarian reasoning, which prioritises outcomes that maximise wellbeing and minimise harm. Applied to custody disputes, utilitarian analysis requires courts to determine which custodial arrangement most effectively advances the child’s overall welfare.

Nigerian courts routinely invoke welfare as the decisive criterion in custody disputes. In Odusote v Odusote,[19] the Court of Appeal interpreted welfare broadly to include moral upbringing, educational advancement, emotional security, and social development. This expansive interpretation is commendable because it recognises that child welfare extends beyond material provision.

However, a major doctrinal weakness lies in the indeterminate nature of the welfare concept. ‘Welfare’ is frequently invoked as a legal conclusion without adequate explanation of the evaluative criteria used to reach that conclusion. This creates substantial room for judicial subjectivity and inconsistent reasoning.

A recurring weakness in Nigerian custody adjudication is the tendency to equate welfare primarily with financial capacity. Such reasoning is problematic. Economic strength alone does not guarantee emotional stability, parental availability, or healthy psychological development. A financially weaker parent may, in certain circumstances, better satisfy the child’s emotional and developmental needs than a wealthier but emotionally absent parent.[20]

3.2 Legal Positivism

Legal positivism emphasises fidelity to enacted legal rules and statutory authority.[21] Under this theory, judicial legitimacy derives from proper application of legal rules rather than personal morality, cultural assumptions, or subjective preferences.[22]

In the context of custody adjudication in Nigeria, legal positivism requires courts to apply the standards established by the Matrimonial Causes Act 2004 and the Child Rights Act 2003. These statutes expressly establish welfare and best-interest principles as binding legal standards.[23]

The positivist approach performs an important restraining function by limiting arbitrariness.[24] Courts are expected to derive custody decisions from law rather than social prejudice, emotional sympathy, or gender stereotypes.[25] However, doctrinal difficulties arise where statutory provisions are excessively broad or vague. Although Nigerian statutes instruct courts to prioritise welfare, they provide minimal guidance on how welfare should be assessed in practice. This legislative silence indirectly expands judicial discretion. This reveals a structural weakness in Nigerian custody law: the law imposes a duty to protect welfare but fails to provide sufficiently detailed tools for welfare assessment. Judicial discretion therefore fills legislative gaps, sometimes inconsistently. This inconsistency becomes more pronounced in contexts where social and cultural norms influence judicial reasoning. For instance, assumptions regarding maternal caregiving or paternal financial superiority may subtly affect judicial decisions even when such assumptions are not grounded in statutory law.

Thus, while legal positivism promotes consistency through adherence to legislation, its effectiveness depends on the precision and completeness of the legislative framework. Where statutes are vague, positivism alone cannot eliminate subjectivity.

3.3 Best Interest of the Child (BIC) Theory

The Best Interest of the Child (BIC) theory represents the most modern and rights-based framework for custody adjudication.[26] It extends beyond welfare rhetoric by treating the child as an independent rights-holder rather than merely the object of parental claims.

Under BIC theory, every judicial, administrative, or legal decision affecting children must prioritise outcomes that preserve the child’s dignity, safety, development, autonomy, and future opportunities.[27] This framework is rooted in international child-rights jurisprudence, particularly Article 3 of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, which requires that the best interests of the child shall be a primary consideration in all actions concerning children.[28] The BIC theory is particularly important because it reframes custody discourse.[29]

4.0 Comparative Analysis of Child Custody Frameworks

Comparative legal analysis is valuable in custody scholarship because it reveals institutional and doctrinal mechanisms that enhance child protection beyond abstract statutory declarations. Although Nigeria recognises the welfare principle and the best-interest standard, implementation challenges remain substantial. A comparison with the United Kingdom and South Africa demonstrates how structured statutory guidance and specialised institutions can improve custody adjudication.

4.1 The United Kingdom

The child custody regime in the United Kingdom, particularly under the Children Act 1989, represents one of the most influential child-centred custody frameworks in modern family law. The Act fundamentally shifted custody jurisprudence away from parental entitlement toward welfare-based adjudication.[30]

A major strength of the UK framework is the statutory welfare checklist, which provides structured criteria for judicial assessment. Courts are required to consider: the wishes and feelings of the child, subject to age and maturity; physical, emotional, and educational needs; the likely effect of any change in circumstances; age, background, and relevant characteristics; risk of harm; and each parent’s capacity to meet the child’s needs.[31] This checklist significantly reduces arbitrariness by ensuring that welfare is assessed through identifiable factors rather than broad judicial intuition.

The UK system also benefits from robust institutional support. Agencies such as the Children and Family Court Advisory and Support Service (CAFCASS) assist courts by conducting welfare investigations, assessing risk factors, interviewing parties, and making expert recommendations. This strengthens evidence-based adjudication and improves consistency.

Another major strength lies in enforcement. Non-compliance with custody or contact orders attracts meaningful legal consequences, including fines, community sanctions, supervised contact arrangements, and, in extreme circumstances, imprisonment.[32]

The principal lesson for Nigeria is clear: welfare principles become significantly more effective when supported by structured statutory criteria and institutional oversight.

4.2 South Africa

South Africa provides another strong comparative model through the Children’s Act 38 of 2005, which adopts a rights-based and constitutionally informed approach to child protection.[33]

Unlike traditional custody terminology, South African law employs modern concepts such as care, contact, guardianship, and parental responsibilities and rights, thereby reducing adversarial framing.[34] A notable institutional innovation is the Family Advocate Office, which investigates custody disputes and makes welfare recommendations to courts. This reduces the burden on judges and introduces multidisciplinary expertise into custody adjudication.[35]

South African law also strongly encourages: mediation; parenting plans; child participation where age-appropriate; and alternative dispute resolution mechanisms.

This approach recognises that custody disputes should not be viewed merely as legal contests but as multidimensional family welfare issues requiring legal, social, and psychological intervention.

4.3 Nigeria

Nigeria formally recognises child welfare as the paramount consideration in custody disputes under the Matrimonial Causes Act 2004 and the Child Rights Act 2003.[36] Nigerian courts have repeatedly affirmed this principle in decisions such as Obahaya v Obahaya and Akinmosin v Akinmosin.[37]

However, doctrinal recognition has not translated into effective practical protection. Three structural weaknesses are apparent:

1.      Nigerian courts possess broad discretion in determining welfare without statutory welfare checklists. While flexibility may accommodate individual circumstances, it also creates inconsistency and unpredictability.

2.      Custody orders are frequently difficult to enforce due to limited welfare personnel, weak monitoring systems, and procedural delays. Court orders may therefore exist only in formal terms without practical compliance.

3.      Nigeria lacks specialised nationwide family courts, structured welfare investigators, and dedicated family advocacy institutions comparable to those in the UK or South Africa.

These weaknesses become particularly visible in Obio-Akpor.

4.4 Obio-Akpor Case Study: Custody Law in Practical Context

The experience of Obio-Akpor Local Government Area vividly reveals the gap between doctrinal legal protection and practical custody realities. Obio-Akpor is one of the most urbanised and socio-economically diverse local government areas in Rivers State, containing both urban settlements and semi-urban communities. This creates a complex socio-legal environment for custody adjudication.

 

4.4.1 Urbanisation and Economic Pressure

Rapid urbanisation has significantly transformed family structures in Obio-Akpor.[38] Traditional communal support systems have weakened, while economic pressures have intensified.[39] Custody disputes increasingly involve parents facing: unstable employment, rising housing costs, educational expenses, and childcare burdens.[40] Economic hardship frequently influences custody outcomes, sometimes causing courts, families, or communities to equate financial capacity with parental suitability.[41] This creates a doctrinal danger because custody may indirectly become a contest of wealth rather than welfare. Such reasoning is flawed. Financial superiority alone does not necessarily translate into emotional care, stable supervision, or psychological security.

4.4.2        Customary Influence and Extended Family Intervention

Although statutory law governs custody after dissolution of statutory marriage, customary norms remain highly influential in practice. In many families within Obio-Akpor, extended family members, particularly elders and paternal relatives exercise considerable influence over custody arrangements.[42] This creates tension between statutory child-centred law; and customary lineage-based expectations. For example, customary assumptions may favour paternal claims over older male children based on inheritance or lineage considerations. Such expectations may directly conflict with welfare-based statutory principles.[43] This exposes a central doctrinal conflict in Nigerian custody law: formal legal rules are frequently weakened by informal social power structures.

4.4.3 Gender Bias and Custody Outcomes

Gender inequality remains a significant issue in custody adjudication and enforcement.[44] Maternal preference for infants is often justified on caregiving grounds, while paternal preference for older boys is frequently justified on lineage or financial grounds.[45] Both assumptions risk reinforcing harmful stereotypes.[46] These stereotypes create two related distortions: women may be reduced to natural caregivers irrespective of economic realities; and men may be viewed primarily as providers rather than emotional caregivers.[47] Both assumptions undermine objective welfare analysis. The correct legal inquiry should not be whether the mother or father fits traditional gender roles, but whether the parent can best advance the child’s holistic welfare.

4.4.4 Enforcement Deficit

One of the most serious custody challenges in Nigeria which is applicable to Obio-Akpor concerns post-judgment enforcement.[48] Even where courts issue custody or access orders, compliance often remains uncertain. Common obstacles include: parental hostility, deliberate non-compliance, family interference, weak welfare monitoring, and absence of follow-up mechanisms.[49] This reveals perhaps the greatest weakness of Nigerian custody law: the legal system focuses heavily on adjudication but insufficiently on enforcement.

A custody judgment that cannot be effectively enforced offers limited practical protection to the child.

4.5      Doctrinal Critique of the Nigerian Position

The principal doctrinal weakness of Nigerian custody law is not the absence of legal principles but the absence of operational structure.[50] The law repeatedly invokes: welfare, best interests, child protection.[51] Yet it fails to adequately answer critical implementation questions such as[52], how should welfare be measured, who investigates disputed facts, how should compliance be monitored and what happens when orders are ignored? Without structured answers, welfare risks becoming rhetorical rather than functional.

The Obio-Akpor experience demonstrates this vividly. The real challenge is no longer whether Nigerian law recognises child welfare, it does. The pressing question is whether the legal system possesses sufficient institutional capacity to transform doctrinal promises into lived protection for children.

5.0 Findings

This study reveals that Nigerian child custody law is doctrinally progressive but institutionally weak. Several major findings emerge.

1.          Although Nigerian law recognises the welfare and best-interest principles as paramount, the absence of a structured statutory welfare checklist results in excessive judicial discretion and inconsistent custody outcomes. The broad and indeterminate nature of welfare assessment permits variability in judicial reasoning, thereby reducing predictability.

2.          Enforcement of custody orders remains a major weakness in Nigerian family law. Custody judgments are often difficult to implement due to weak welfare institutions, inadequate post-judgment monitoring, parental non-compliance, and procedural delays. This enforcement deficit significantly undermines the practical value of judicial decisions.

3.          Socio-cultural norms continue to shape custody outcomes, particularly in semi-urban and culturally conservative communities such as Obio-Akpor Local Government Area. Customary expectations regarding lineage, gender roles, and paternal authority frequently influence custody arrangements even where such expectations conflict with statutory law.

4.          Custody disputes in Nigeria are still often framed, either explicitly or implicitly, as contests of parental rights rather than mechanisms for child protection. This adversarial framing may obscure the central objective of custody law, namely the welfare and holistic development of the child.

5.          Comparative analysis demonstrates that jurisdictions such as the United Kingdom and South Africa achieve better custody outcomes because welfare assessment is supported by statutory criteria, institutional oversight, mediation systems, and structured enforcement mechanisms.

These findings collectively demonstrate that the major challenge facing Nigerian custody law is not absence of legal principles, but weak implementation architecture.

6.0 Recommendations

To strengthen child custody adjudication and enforcement in Nigeria, this study recommends as follows:

1.      Nigeria should adopt a statutory welfare checklist similar to that contained in the Children Act 1989. Such a checklist should require courts to evaluate identifiable factors including: emotional attachment, educational needs, risk of harm, parental capacity, child preferences where age-appropriate, and psychological welfare. This would improve consistency, predictability, and transparency in judicial reasoning.

2.      Specialised family courts should be established across Nigerian jurisdictions to handle custody and other child-related disputes. Specialisation would enhance judicial expertise, improve procedural efficiency, and promote child-sensitive adjudication.

3.      Custody disputes should, where appropriate, undergo mandatory mediation before full litigation. Mediation can reduce hostility between parents and encourage cooperative parenting arrangements that better serve the child’s welfare.

4.      Government should strengthen social welfare institutions responsible for child protection and custody monitoring. This includes: increased staffing, professional training, logistical support, and better inter-agency coordination. Without strong institutions, even well-reasoned custody orders may remain ineffective.

5.      Nigeria requires stronger mechanisms for enforcing custody and access orders. Courts should possess effective procedural tools for ensuring compliance, including sanctions for deliberate disobedience of custody orders.

6.      Where age and maturity permit, children should be given reasonable opportunity to express views regarding custody arrangements. Child participation improves welfare assessment and aligns Nigerian law with modern international child-rights standards.

7.      Community sensitisation programmes should educate parents, traditional leaders, and community stakeholders on statutory custody principles. This is particularly important in areas such as Obio-Akpor Local Government Area, where customary norms may conflict with statutory child welfare protections.

7.0 Conclusion

Child custody law in Nigeria reflects a commendable normative commitment to child welfare. The Matrimonial Causes Act, the Child Rights Act, and judicial authorities collectively affirm that the welfare and best interests of the child remain paramount in custody adjudication.

However, this study demonstrates that doctrinal recognition alone is insufficient. The experience of Obio-Akpor Local Government Area reveals that statutory principles frequently encounter practical limitations arising from economic pressures, cultural expectations, gender bias, weak institutional support, and enforcement deficiencies.

The central challenge in Nigerian custody jurisprudence is therefore not conceptual but operational. The law adequately recognises what ought to be protected; the problem lies in how that protection is implemented and enforced. A truly effective custody system must be more than doctrinally sound. It must also be structured, predictable, enforceable, and institutionally supported. The true measure of a custody regime lies not in how effectively it resolves parental disputes, but in how successfully it safeguards the dignity, stability, welfare, and future of the child.

References

[1] EO Aniche, Child Rights and Family Law in Nigeria (Malthouse Press 2023) 112.


[2] John Herring, Family Law (10th edn, Pearson 2022) 420–425.


[3] Matrimonial Causes Act, s 71; Child Rights Act, s 1.


[4] Williams v Williams (1987) 2 NWLR (Pt 54) 66; Odusote v Odusote (2012) 3 NWLR (Pt 1288) 478.


[5] EI Nwogugu, Family Law in Nigeria (Revised edn, HEBN 2014) 320–326.


[6] Children Act 1989, s 1; Children’s Act 38 of 2005.


[7] Aniche (n 1) 12.


[8] United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child 1989, art 1.


[9] ibid, Preamble.


[10] Child Rights Act 2003, s 277.


[11] EE Eko, Family Law in Nigeria (Princeton Publishing 2021) 205–210.


[12] Williams v Williams (1987) 2 NWLR (Pt 54) 66.


[13] Odusote v Odusote (2012) 3 NWLR (Pt 1288) 478.


[14] Child Rights Act 2003, s 1.


[15] Nwogugu (n 5) 201–215.


[16] Matrimonial Causes Act 2004, ss 15–40.


[17] MO Ogungbe, Nigerian Family Law (2nd edn, Spectrum Books 2018) 167–172.


[18] BO Adewumi, ‘Best Interest of the Child in Nigeria’ (2025) 6 OAU Law Journal 32, 40–42.


[19] Odusote v Odusote (2012) 3 NWLR (Pt 1288) 478.


[20] EE Eko (n 13) 302–306.


[21] D Dyzenhaus, ‘The Genealogy of Legal Positivism’ (2004) 24(1) Oxford Journal of Legal Studies 39, 45.


[22] Mir Ahmad Murtiza (ed), Law and Morality: Perspectives on Natural Law Theory and Legal Positivism (Taylor & Francis 2026) 32.


[23] Matrimonial Causes Act 2004, s 71; Child Rights Act s 1.


[24] J L A Cruz, C V M Cortez, M R V Domínguez and J G A Zamorano, ‘The Theory of Crime as a Methodological Tool for the Analysis of Legal Cases in Mexican Criminal Law’ (2026) 38(1) Sciences of Conservation and Archaeology 1, 4.


[25] M Duarte, ‘Is a Good Woman Hard to Find?: Conceptions of Victim and Stereotypes in Judicial Intimate Partner Violence Cases’ (2025) 14(28) AG-About Gender: International Journal of Gender Studies 25, 31.


[26] L M Kohm, ‘Tracing the Foundations of the Best Interest of the Child Standard in American Jurisprudence’ (2008) 10 Journal of Law and Family Studies 337, 346.


[27] A Adeola, ‘Recalibrating Best Interest of the Child Standard in African Family Law’ (2024) African Journal of Legal Studies 55, 63–68.


[28] United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child art 3.


[29] J Tracchegiani and others, ‘Having Already Brought Children into a Burning World: Childhood Experiences of Disorganization and Role Reversal in Primary Caregiving Mothers Who Regret Their Parenthood in the Age of Climate Crisis’ (2026) 187(3) The Journal of Genetic Psychology 1, 12.


[30] John Herring, Family Law (10th edn, Pearson 2022) 420–450.


[31] Children Act 1989 s 1(3).


[32] Children Act 1989 ss 8, 11.


[33] Children’s Act 38 of 2005.


[34] Cynthia Godsoe, ‘Racing and Erasing Parental Rights’ (2024) 104 Boston University Law Review 2061, 2075 <https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=5181870> accessed 5 July 2026.


[35] Brian Clark (n 8) 233–241.


[36] Matrimonial Causes Act ss 71–73; Child Rights Act ss 1, 9.


[37] Obahaya v Obahaya (2022) LPELR-57141 (CA); Akinmosin v Akinmosin (2023) LPELR-61125 (CA).


[38] S Akpeekon and G Ibiere, ‘Developmental and Psychosocial Outcomes of Children in Institutional Care in Obio-Akpor Local Government Area, Rivers State, Nigeria’ (2025) 1(4) Impact International Journals of Sciences, Education and Arts 631, 638.


[39] C E Egbo, ‘The Role of Traditional Institutions in the Handling of Conflicts in Obio/Akpor Local Government Area of Rivers State’ (2024) 2(2) Port Harcourt Journal of Society and Environment 63, 68.


[40] N C Dike and S K Akinbo, ‘The Menace of a Dysfunctional Home and its Implication on the Child’s Mental Stability in Obio/Akpor Local Government Area, Rivers State’ (2025) 3(2) African Journal of Human Kinetics, Recreation and Health Studies 135, 142.


[41] Akpeekon and Ibiere (n 38).


[42] GO Akolokwu, Customary Law and Family Relations in the Niger Delta (Port Harcourt Law Press 2019) 144–176.


[43] N C Ikeh, ‘A Case Study of Lived Experience of the Implementation of Child Rights Act 2003 in Nigeria’ (doctoral thesis, University of Hull 2023) <https://hull-repository.worktribe.com/output/4260904> accessed 3 July 2026.


[44] E I Herbert and C M Onyegbule, ‘International Law and Rights of Women in Nigeria: A Case Study of Obio-Akpor Rivers State’ (2025) 2(4) RJIP – Journal for Social Sciences 544, 550


[45] C M Chizaram, ‘Subverting the Hegemony of Biological Parenthood: A Critical Examination of the Intersectionality of Adoption, Identity, and Belonging in Nigeria’ (LLB project, Alex-Ekwueme Federal University, Ndufu-Alike, Ikwo 2025) <https://nigerianjournalsonline.org/index.php/FUNAILAWPROJECTS/article/view/2075> accessed 3 July 2026.


[46] OO Ogunnaike, ‘Gender Equity in Child Custody: A Nigerian Perspective’ (2024) Journal of African Gender Studies 119, 131–139.


[47] Ibid.


[48] E Brems and C O Adekoya, ‘Human Rights Enforcement by People Living in Poverty: Access to Justice in Nigeria’ (2010) 54(2) Journal of African Law 258, 270.


[49] B Owasanoye, ‘The Regulation of Child Custody and Access in Nigeria’ (2005) 39(2) Family Law Quarterly 405, 420.


[50] B Owasanoye, ‘The Regulation of Child Custody and Access in Nigeria’ (2005) 39(2) Family Law Quarterly 405, 420.


[51] Ibid.


[52] M C Ogwezzy, Akintunde Abidemi Adebayo and Alaba Ibironke Kekere, ‘Restorative Justice and Non-Custodial Measures: Panacea to Recidivism and Prison Congestion in Nigeria’ (2016) 7 Nnamdi Azikiwe University Journal of International Law and Jurisprudence 69, 73.

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